On September 17, 1939, the Soviet invasion of Poland took place. The USSR was not alone in this aggression. Earlier, on September 1, by mutual agreement with the USSR, the troops of Nazi Germany invaded Poland and this date marked the beginning of the Second World War.

It would seem that the whole world condemned Hitler’s aggression, England and France " declared war on Germany as a result of allied obligations, but were in no hurry to enter the war, fearing its expansion and hoping for a miracle. We will find out later that the Second World War had already begun, and then...then politicians still hoped for something.

So, Hitler attacked Poland and Poland is fighting with its last strength against the Wehrmacht troops. England and France condemned Hitler's invasion and declared war on Germany, that is, they sided with Poland. Two weeks later, Poland, which was fighting back the aggression of Nazi Germany with all its might, was additionally invaded from the east by another country - the USSR.

A war on two fronts!

That is, the USSR, at the very beginning of the global fire, decided to take the side of Germany. Then, after the victory over Poland, the Allies (USSR and Germany) will celebrate their joint victory and hold a joint military parade in Brest, spilling captured champagne from the captured wine cellars of Poland. There are newsreels. And on September 17, Soviet troops moved from their western borders deep into the territory of Poland towards the “brotherly” Wehrmacht troops to Warsaw, which was engulfed in fire. Warsaw will continue to defend itself until the end of September, confronting two strong aggressors and will fall in an unequal struggle.

The date September 17, 1939 marked the entry of the USSR into World War II on the side of Nazi Germany. It will be later, after the victory over Germany, that history will be rewritten and the real facts will be hushed up, and the entire population of the USSR will sincerely believe that the “Great Patriotic War” began on June 22, 1941, and then... then the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition received a severe blow and The global balance of power has sharply shaken.

September 17, 2010 was the 71st anniversary of the Soviet invasion of Poland. How did this event go in Poland:

A little chronicle and facts

Heinz Guderian (center) and Semyon Krivoshein (right) watch the passage of Wehrmacht and Red Army troops during the transfer of Brest-Litovsk on September 22, 1939 to the Soviet administration

September 1939
Meeting of Soviet and German troops in the Lublin area

They were the first

who met Hitler's war machine with an open face - the Polish military command.The first heroes of World War II:

Commander-in-Chief of the VP Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly

Chief of the VP General Staff, Brigadier General Vaclav Stachewicz

VP Armor General Kazimierz Sosnkowski

Divisional General of the VP Kazimierz Fabrycy

Divisional General VP Tadeusz Kutrzeba

Entry of Red Army forces into Polish territory

At 5 a.m. on September 17, 1939, troops of the Belorussian and Ukrainian fronts crossed the entire length of the Polish-Soviet border and attacked the KOP checkpoints. Thus, the USSR violated at least four international agreements:

• Riga Peace Treaty of 1921 on Soviet-Polish borders
• The Litvinov Protocol, or the Eastern Pact of Renunciation of War
• Soviet-Polish non-aggression pact of January 25, 1932, extended in 1934 until the end of 1945
• London Convention of 1933, which contains a definition of aggression, and which the USSR signed on July 3, 1933

The governments of England and France presented notes of protest in Moscow against the undisguised aggression of the USSR against Poland, rejecting all of Molotov’s justifying arguments. On September 18, the London Times described this event as “a stab in the back of Poland.” At the same time, articles began to appear explaining the actions of the USSR as having an anti-German orientation (!!!)

The advancing units of the Red Army encountered virtually no resistance from the border units. To top it all off, Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly gave the so-called in Kuty. “General Directive”, which was read out on the radio:

Quote: The Soviets invaded. I order the withdrawal to Romania and Hungary by the shortest routes. Do not conduct hostilities with the Soviets, only in the event of an attempt on their part to disarm our units. The task for Warsaw and Modlin, which must defend themselves from the Germans, remains unchanged. The units approached by the Soviets must negotiate with them in order to withdraw garrisons to Romania or Hungary...

The commander-in-chief's directive led to the disorientation of the majority of Polish military personnel and their mass capture. In connection with Soviet aggression, Polish President Ignacy Mościcki, while in the town of Kosov, addressed the people. He accused the USSR of violating all legal and moral norms and called on the Poles to remain strong and courageous in the fight against soulless barbarians. Mościcki also announced the transfer of the residence of the President of the Republic of Poland and all higher authorities “to the territory of one of our allies.” On the evening of September 17, the President and the government of the Republic of Poland, headed by Prime Minister Felician Skladkovsky, crossed the border of Romania. And after midnight on September 17/18 - the Commander-in-Chief of the VP Marshal Edward Rydz-Smigly. It was also possible to evacuate 30 thousand military personnel to Romania and 40 thousand to Hungary. Including a motorized brigade, a battalion of railway sappers and a police battalion "Golędzinow".

Despite the order of the commander-in-chief, many Polish units entered into battle with the advancing Red Army units. Particularly stubborn resistance was shown by units of the VP during the defense of Vilna, Grodno, Lvov (which from September 12 to 22 defended against the Germans, and from September 18 also against the Red Army) and near Sarny. On September 29 - 30, a battle took place near Shatsk between the 52nd Infantry Division and the retreating units of the Polish troops.

War on two fronts

The Soviet invasion sharply worsened the already catastrophic situation of the Polish army. In the new conditions, the main burden of resistance to German troops fell on the Central Front of Tadeusz Piskor. On September 17 - 26, two battles took place near Tomaszow Lubelski - the largest in the September campaign after the Battle of Bzura. The task was to break through the German barrier in Rawa Ruska, blocking the path to Lviv (3 infantry and 2 tank divisions of the 7th Army Corps of General Leonard Wecker). During the heaviest battles fought by the 23rd and 55th infantry divisions, as well as the Warsaw tank-motorized brigade of Colonel Stefan Rowecki, it was not possible to break through the German defenses. The 6th Infantry Division and the Krakow Cavalry Brigade also suffered huge losses. On September 20, 1939, General Tadeusz Piskor announced the surrender of the Central Front. More than 20 thousand Polish soldiers were captured (including Tadeusz Piskor himself).

Now the main forces of the Wehrmacht concentrated against the Polish Northern Front.

On September 23, a new battle began near Tomaszow Lubelski. The Northern Front was in a difficult situation. From the west, the 7th Army Corps of Leonard Wecker pressed against him, and from the east - the Red Army troops. Units of the Southern Front of General Kazimierz Sosnkowski at this time tried to break through to the encircled Lvov, inflicting a number of defeats on the German troops. However, on the outskirts of Lvov they were stopped by the Wehrmacht and suffered heavy losses. After the news of the capitulation of Lvov on September 22, the front troops received orders to split into small groups and make their way to Hungary. However, not all groups managed to reach the Hungarian border. General Kazimierz Sosnkowski himself was cut off from the main parts of the front in the Brzuchowice area. In civilian clothes, he managed to pass through the territory occupied by Soviet troops. First to Lviv, and then, through the Carpathians, to Hungary. On September 23, one of the last mounted battles of World War II took place. The 25th regiment of the Wielkopolska Uhlan, Lieutenant Colonel Bohdan Stakhlewski, attacked the German cavalry in Krasnobrud and captured the city.

On September 20, Soviet troops suppressed the last pockets of resistance in Vilna. About 10 thousand Polish soldiers were captured. In the morning, tank units of the Belorussian Front (27th Tank Brigade of the 15th Tank Corps from the 11th Army) launched an attack on Grodno and crossed the Neman. Despite the fact that at least 50 tanks took part in the assault, it was not possible to take the city on the move. Some of the tanks were destroyed (the city’s defenders widely used Molotov cocktails), and the rest retreated back beyond the Neman. Grodno was defended by very small units of the local garrison. All the main forces a few days earlier became part of the 35th Infantry Division and were transferred to the defense of Lvov, besieged by the Germans. Volunteers (including scouts) joined parts of the garrison.

The troops of the Ukrainian Front began preparations for the assault on Lvov, scheduled for the morning of September 21. Meanwhile, the power supply was cut off in the besieged city. By evening, German troops received Hitler's order to move 10 km away from Lvov. Because according to the agreement, the city went to the USSR. The Germans made a last attempt to change this situation. The Wehrmacht command again demanded that the Poles surrender the city no later than 10 o’clock on September 21: “If you surrender Lvov to us, you will remain in Europe, if you surrender it to the Bolsheviks, you will become Asia forever”. On the night of September 21, the German units besieging the city began to retreat. After negotiations with the Soviet command, General Vladislav Langner decided to capitulate Lvov. The majority of officers supported him.

The end of September and the beginning of October marked the end of the existence of the independent Polish state. Warsaw defended until September 28, Modlin defended until September 29. On October 2, the defense of Hel ended. The last to lay down their arms were the defenders of Kotsk - October 6, 1939.

This ended the armed resistance of regular units of the Polish Army on Polish territory. To further fight against Germany and its allies, armed formations made up of Polish citizens were created:

• Polish armed forces in the West
• Anders Army (2nd Polish Corps)
• Polish armed forces in the USSR (1943 – 1944)

Results of the war

As a result of the aggression of Germany and the USSR, the Polish state ceased to exist. September 28, 1939, immediately after the surrender of Warsaw, in violation of the Hague Convention of October 18, 1907). Germany and the USSR defined the Soviet-German border on the territory of Poland they occupied. The German plan was to create a puppet "Polish residual state" Reststaat within the borders of the Kingdom of Poland and Western Galicia. However, this plan was not adopted due to Stalin's disagreement. Who was not satisfied with the existence of any Polish state entity.

The new border basically coincided with the “Curzon Line”, recommended in 1919 by the Paris Peace Conference as the eastern border of Poland, since it delimited areas of compact residence of Poles, on the one hand, and Ukrainians and Belarusians, on the other.

The territories east of the Western Bug and San rivers were annexed to the Ukrainian SSR and the Byelorussian SSR. This increased the territory of the USSR by 196 thousand km², and the population by 13 million people.

Germany expanded the borders of East Prussia, moving them close to Warsaw, and included the area up to the city of Lodz, renamed Litzmannstadt, into the Wart region, which occupied the territory of the old Poznan region. By decree of Hitler on October 8, 1939, Poznan, Pomerania, Silesia, Lodz, part of the Kielce and Warsaw voivodeships, where about 9.5 million people lived, were proclaimed German lands and annexed to Germany.

The small residual Polish state was declared the "General Government of the Occupied Polish Regions" under the control of the German authorities, which a year later became known as the "General Government of the German Empire". Krakow became its capital. Any independent policy of Poland ceased.

On October 6, 1939, speaking in the Reichstag, Hitler publicly announced the cessation of the 2nd Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the division of its territory between Germany and the USSR. In this regard, he turned to France and England with a proposal for peace. On October 12, this proposal was rejected by Neville Chamberlain at a meeting of the House of Commons

Losses of the parties

Germany- During the campaign, the Germans, according to various sources, lost 10-17 thousand killed, 27-31 thousand wounded, 300-3500 people missing.

USSR- The combat losses of the Red Army during the Polish campaign of 1939, according to Russian historian Mikhail Meltyukhov, amounted to 1,173 killed, 2,002 wounded and 302 missing. As a result of the fighting, 17 tanks, 6 aircraft, 6 guns and mortars and 36 vehicles were also lost.

According to Polish historians, the Red Army lost about 2,500 soldiers, 150 armored vehicles and 20 aircraft.

Poland- According to post-war research by the Bureau of Military Losses, more than 66 thousand Polish military personnel (including 2000 officers and 5 generals) died in battles with the Wehrmacht. 133 thousand were wounded, and 420 thousand were captured by the Germans.

Polish losses in battles with the Red Army are not precisely known. Meltyukhov gives figures of 3,500 killed, 20,000 missing and 454,700 prisoners. According to the Polish Military Encyclopedia, 250,000 military personnel were captured by the Soviets. Almost the entire officer corps (about 21,000 people) was subsequently shot by the NKVD.

Myths that arose after the Polish campaign

The war of 1939 has become overgrown with myths and legends over many years. This was a consequence of Nazi and Soviet propaganda, falsification of history and the lack of free access by Polish and foreign historians to archival materials during the Polish People's Republic. Some works of literature and art also played a decisive role in the creation of enduring myths.

"Polish cavalrymen in despair rushed with sabers at the tanks"

Perhaps the most popular and enduring of all myths. It arose immediately after the Battle of Krojanty, in which the 18th Pomeranian Lancer Regiment of Colonel Kazimierz Mastalez attacked the 2nd Motorized Battalion of the 76th Motorized Regiment of the 20th Motorized Division of the Wehrmacht. Despite the defeat, the regiment completed its task. The attack by the Ulans brought confusion into the general course of the German offensive, disrupted its pace and disorganized the troops. It took the Germans some time to resume their advance. They never managed to reach the crossings that day. In addition, this attack had a certain psychological effect on the enemy, which Heinz Guderian recalled.

The very next day, Italian correspondents who were in the combat area, referring to the testimony of German soldiers, wrote that “Polish cavalrymen rushed with sabers at the tanks.” Some “eyewitnesses” claimed that the lancers cut down tanks with sabers, believing that they were made of paper. In 1941, the Germans made a propaganda film on this topic, Kampfgeschwader Lützow. Even Andrzej Wajda did not escape the propaganda stamp in his 1958 “Lotna” (the picture was criticized by war veterans).

The Polish cavalry fought on horseback, but used infantry tactics. It was armed with machine guns, 75 and 35 mm carbines, Bofors anti-tank guns, a small number of Bofors 40 mm anti-aircraft guns, as well as a small number of UR 1935 anti-tank rifles. Of course, the cavalrymen carried sabers and pikes, but these weapons were used only in mounted battles. Throughout the entire September campaign, there was not a single case of Polish cavalry attacking German tanks. It should be noted, however, that there were times when the cavalry galloped quickly in the direction of the tanks attacking it. With one single goal - to get past them as quickly as possible.

"Polish aviation was destroyed on the ground in the first days of the war"

In fact, just before the start of the war, almost all aviation was relocated to small, camouflaged airfields. The Germans managed to destroy only training and support aircraft on the ground. For two whole weeks, inferior to the Luftwaffe in numbers and quality of vehicles, Polish aviation inflicted heavy losses on them. After the end of the fighting, many Polish pilots moved to France and England, where they joined the Allied Air Force pilots and continued the war (after shooting down many German aircraft during the Battle of Britain)

"Poland did not provide adequate resistance to the enemy and quickly surrendered"

In fact, the Wehrmacht, superior to the Polish Army in all major military indicators, received a strong and completely unplanned rebuff from the OKW. The German army lost about 1,000 tanks and armored vehicles (almost 30% of the total strength), 370 guns, over 10,000 military vehicles (about 6,000 cars and 5,500 motorcycles). The Luftwaffe lost over 700 aircraft (about 32% of the total personnel participating in the campaign).

Manpower losses amounted to 45,000 killed and wounded. According to Hitler’s personal admission, the Wehrmacht infantry “...did not live up to the hopes placed on it.”

A significant number of German weapons were so damaged that they required major repairs. And the intensity of the fighting was such that there was only enough ammunition and other equipment for two weeks.

In terms of time, the Polish campaign turned out to be only a week shorter than the French one. Although the forces of the Anglo-French coalition were significantly superior to the Polish Army both in numbers and in weapons. Moreover, the unexpected delay of the Wehrmacht in Poland allowed the Allies to more seriously prepare for the German attack.

Read also about the heroic one, which the Poles were the first to take upon themselves.

Quote: Immediately after the invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939 ""...The Red Army committed a series of violence, murders, robberies and other lawlessness, both in relation to captured units and in relation to the civilian population" "[http://www .krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Jozef Mackiewicz. "Katyn", Ed. "Dawn", Canada, 1988] In total, according to general estimates, about 2,500 military and police personnel, as well as several hundred civilians, were killed. Andrzej Frischke. "Poland. The fate of the country and the people 1939 - 1989, Warsaw, publishing house "Iskra", 2003, p. 25, ISBN 83-207-1711-6] At the same time, the commanders of the Red Army called on the people to "beat the officers and generals" (from the address of Army Commander Semyon Timoshenko).

“When we were taken prisoner, we were ordered to raise our hands up and they drove us at a run for two kilometers. During the search, they stripped us naked, grabbing everything of any value... after which they drove us for 30 km, without rest or water. Who was weaker and could not keep up, received a blow with the butt, fell to the ground, and if he could not get up, he was pinned with a bayonet. I saw four such cases. I remember exactly that Captain Krzeminski from Warsaw was shoved with a bayonet several times, and when he fell, another Soviet the soldier shot him twice in the head..." (from the testimony of a KOP soldier) [http://www.krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Yuzef Matskevich. "Katyn", Ed. "Dawn", Canada, 1988] ]

The most serious war crimes of the Red Army took place in Rohatyn, where prisoners of war were brutally killed along with the civilian population (the so-called “Rohatyn massacre”) Vladislav Pobug-Malinovsky. "The latest political history of Poland. 1939 - 1945", ed. "Platan", Krakow, 2004, volume 3, p. 107, ISBN 83-89711-10-9] Katyn crime in documents. London, 1975, pp. 9-11] ] Wojciech Roszkowski. "Modern history of Poland 1914 - 1945". Warsaw, "World of Books", 2003, pp. 344-354, 397-410 (volume 1) ISBN 83-7311-991-4], in Grodno, Novogrudok, Sarny, Ternopil, Volkovysk, Oshmyany, Svislochi, Molodechno and Kossovo Vladislav Pobug-Malinovsky. "The latest political history of Poland. 1939 - 1945", ed. “Platan”, Krakow, 2004, volume 3, p. 107, ISBN 83-89711-10-9] “...Terror and murders took on enormous proportions in Grodno, where 130 schoolchildren and servants were killed, wounded defencists were killed on the spot ". 12-year-old Tadzik Yasinsky was tied to a tank and dragged along the pavement. After the occupation of Grodno, repressions began; those arrested were shot on Dog Mountain and in the Secret grove. On the square near Fara there was a wall of corpses..." Yulian Sedletsky. "The fate of the Poles in the USSR in 1939 - 1986", London, 1988, pp. 32-34] Karol Liszewski. "Polish-Soviet War 1939", London, Polish Cultural Foundation, 1986, ISBN 0-85065-170-0 (The monograph contains a detailed description of the battles on the entire Polish-Soviet front and testimony of witnesses about the war crimes of the USSR in September 1939)] Institute of National In memory of Poland. Investigation into the mass murder of civilians and military defenders of Grodno by Red Army soldiers, NKVD officers and saboteurs 09.22.39 ]

“At the end of September 1939, part of the Polish army entered into battle with a Soviet unit in the vicinity of Vilna. The Bolsheviks sent parliamentarians with a proposal to lay down their arms, guaranteeing in return freedom and return to their homes. The commander of the Polish unit believed these assurances and ordered to lay down their arms. The entire detachment at once surrounded, and the liquidation of the officers began..." (from the testimony of Polish soldier J.L. dated April 24, 1943) [http://www.krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Jozef Matskevich. "Katyn", Ed. "Dawn", Canada, 1988] ]

“I myself witnessed the capture of Ternopil. I saw how Soviet soldiers hunted Polish officers. For example, one of the two soldiers passing by me, leaving his comrade, rushed in the opposite direction, and when asked where he was in a hurry, he answered: “I’ll be right back.” , I’ll just kill that bourgeois,” and pointed to a man in an officer’s overcoat without insignia…” (from the testimony of a Polish soldier on the crimes of the Red Army in Ternopol) [http://www.krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Yuzef Matskevich. "Katyn", Ed. "Dawn", Canada, 1988] ]

“Soviet troops entered at about four o’clock in the afternoon and immediately began a brutal massacre and brutal abuse of the victims. They killed not only police and military personnel, but also the so-called “bourgeois”, including women and children. Those military personnel who escaped death and who As soon as they were disarmed, they were ordered to lie down in a wet meadow outside the city. About 800 people were lying there. The machine guns were installed in such a way that they could shoot low above the ground. Anyone who raised their head died. They were kept like that all night. The next day they were driven to Stanislavov , and from there into the depths of Soviet Russia..." (from testimony on the "Rohatyn Massacre") [http://www.krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Jozef Matskevich. "Katyn", Ed. "Dawn", Canada, 1988] ]

“On September 22, during the battles for Grodno, at about 10 o’clock, the commander of the communications platoon, junior lieutenant Dubovik, received an order to escort 80-90 prisoners to the rear. Having moved 1.5-2 km from the city, Dubovik interrogated the prisoners in order to identify the officers and persons who took participation in the murder of the Bolsheviks. Promising to release the prisoners, he sought confessions and shot 29 people. The remaining prisoners were returned to Grodno. The command of the 101st Infantry Regiment of the 4th Infantry Division was aware of this, but no measures were taken against Dubovik. Moreover, the commander of the 3rd battalion, Senior Lieutenant Tolochko, gave a direct order to shoot the officers..."Meltyukhov M.I. [http://militera.lib.ru/research/meltyukhov2/index.html Soviet-Polish wars. Military-political confrontation 1918-1939] M., 2001.] end of quote

Often Polish units surrendered, succumbing to the promises of freedom that the Red Army commanders guaranteed them. In reality, these promises were never kept. Like, for example, in Polesie, where some of the 120 officers were shot and the rest were sent deep into the USSR [http://www.krotov.info/libr_min/m/mackiew.html Yuzef Matskevich. "Katyn", Ed. "Zarya", Canada, 1988] ] On September 22, 1939, the commander of the defense of Lvov, General Vladislav Langner, signed an act of surrender, providing for the unhindered passage of military and police units to the Romanian border immediately after they laid down their arms. This agreement was violated by the Soviet side. All Polish military personnel and police were arrested and taken to the USSR. Wojciech Roszkowski. "Modern history of Poland 1914 - 1945". Warsaw, "World of Books", 2003, pp. 344-354, 397-410 (volume 1)ISBN 83-7311-991-4]

The command of the Red Army did the same with the defenders of Brest. Moreover, all captured border guards of the 135th KOP regiment were shot on the spot by Wojciech Roszkowski. "Modern history of Poland 1914 - 1945". Warsaw, "World of Books", 2003, pp. 344-354, 397-410 (volume 1)ISBN 83-7311-991-4]

One of the most serious war crimes of the Red Army was committed in Velikiye Mosty on the territory of the School of State Police Subofficers. At that time, there were about 1,000 cadets in this largest and most modern police training institution in Poland. The School Commandant, Inspector Vitold Dunin-Vonsovich, gathered the cadets and teachers on the parade ground and gave a report to the arriving NKVD officer. After which the latter ordered to open fire from machine guns. Everyone died, including the commandant [http://www.lwow.com.pl/policja/policja.html Krystyna Balicka “Destruction of the Polish Police”] ]

The reprisal of General Olshina-Wilczynski

On September 11, 2002, the Institute of National Remembrance began an investigation into the circumstances of the tragic death of General Józef Olszyny-Wilczynski and Captain Mieczysław Strzemeski (Act S 6/02/Zk). Inquiries into Polish and Soviet archives revealed the following:

“On September 22, 1939, the former commander of the Grodno operational group, General Jozef Olshina-Wilczynski, his wife Alfreda, adjutant artillery captain Mieczyslaw Strzemeski, the driver and his assistant ended up in the town of Sopotskin near Grodno. Here they were stopped by the crews of two Red Army tanks. The tank crews ordered everyone to leave the car. The general's wife was taken to a nearby barn, where more than a dozen other people were already present. After which both Polish officers were shot on the spot. From photocopies of Soviet archival materials located in the Central Military Archives in Warsaw, it follows that on September 22, 1939, In the Sopotskin area, a motorized detachment of the 2nd tank brigade of the 15th tank corps entered into battle with Polish troops. The corps was part of the Dzerzhinsky cavalry-mechanized group of the Belorussian Front, commanded by corps commander Ivan Boldin..." [http://www.pl.indymedia .org/pl/2005/07/15086.shtml

The investigation identified the persons directly responsible for this crime. This is the commander of the motorized detachment, Major Fedor Chuvakin, and Commissioner Polikarp Grigorenko. There are also testimonies of witnesses to the murder of Polish officers - the wife of General Alfreda Staniszewska, the driver of the car and his assistant, as well as local residents. On September 26, 2003, a request was submitted to the Military Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation for assistance in the investigation into the murder of General Olszyna-Wilczynski and Captain Mieczyslaw Strzemeski (as a crime that does not have a statute of limitations in accordance with the Hague Convention of October 18, 1907). In the response of the Military Prosecutor's Office to the Polish side, it was stated that in this case we are not talking about a war crime, but about a crime under common law, the statute of limitations for which has already expired. The prosecutor's arguments were rejected as having as their sole purpose the termination of the Polish investigation. However, the refusal of the Military Prosecutor's Office to cooperate made further investigation pointless. On May 18, 2004 it was terminated. [http://www.pl.indymedia.org/pl/2005/07/15086.shtml Act S6/02/Zk - investigation into the murder of General Olszyna-Wilczynski and Captain Mieczyslaw Strzemeski, Institute of National Memory of Poland] ]

Why did Lech Kaczynski die?... The Polish Law and Justice party, led by President Lech Kaczynski, is preparing a response to Vladimir Putin. The first step against “Russian propaganda praising Stalin” should be a resolution equating the Soviet invasion of Poland in 1939 with fascist aggression.

Polish conservatives from the Law and Justice (PiS) party proposed to officially equate the invasion of Poland by Soviet troops in 1939 with fascist aggression. The most representative party in the Sejm, to which Polish President Lech Kaczynski belongs, presented a draft resolution on Thursday.

According to Polish conservatives, every day Stalin is glorified in the spirit of Soviet propaganda is an insult to the Polish state, the victims of World War II in Poland and around the world. To prevent this, they call on the Sejm leadership to “call on the Polish government to take steps to counter the falsification of history.”

“We insist on revealing the truth,” Rzeczpospolita quotes a statement from the faction’s official representative, Mariusz Blaszczak. “Fascism and communism are the two great totalitarian regimes of the 20th century, and their leaders were responsible for the outbreak of World War II and its consequences. The Red Army brought death and ruin to Polish territory. Its plans included genocide, murder, rape, looting and other forms of persecution,” reads the resolution proposed by PiS.

Blaszczak is confident that the date of September 17, 1939, when Soviet troops entered Poland, was not as well known until that time as September 1, 1939, the day of the invasion of Hitler’s troops: “Thanks to the efforts of Russian propaganda, which falsifies history, this remains the case to this day.”.

When asked whether the adoption of this document would harm Polish-Russian relations, Blaszczak said that there would be nothing to harm. In Russia, “smear campaigns are underway” against Poland, in which government agencies, including the FSB, are taking part, and official Warsaw “should put an end to this.”

However, the passage of the document through the Sejm is unlikely.

The deputy head of the PiS faction, Gregory Dolnyak, generally opposed the draft resolution being made public until his group managed to agree on the text of the statement with the other factions. “We must first try to agree on any resolution with historical content among us, and then make it public,” Rzeczpospolita quotes him as saying.

His fears are justified. The ruling coalition led by Prime Minister Donald Tusk's Civic Platform party is openly skeptical.

Deputy Speaker of Parliament Stefan Niesiołowski, representing the Civic Platform, called the resolution “stupid, untruthful and damaging to the interests of Poland.” “It does not correspond to the truth that the Soviet occupation was the same as the German one, it was softer. It is also not true that the Soviets carried out ethnic cleansing; the Germans did this,” he noted in an interview with Gazeta Wyborcza.

The socialist camp also categorically opposes the resolution. As Tadeusz Iwiński, a member of the Left Forces and Democrats bloc, noted to the same publication, LSD considers the draft resolution “anti-historical and provocative.” Poland and Russia have recently managed to bring their positions closer together on the issue of the role of the USSR in the death of the Polish state in 1939. In an article in Gazeta Wyborcza dedicated to the 70th anniversary of the start of the war, Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin called the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact “unacceptable from a moral point of view” and had “no prospects in terms of practical implementation,” not forgetting to reproach historians writing for the sake of the “momentary political situation.” The idyllic picture was blurred when, at memorial celebrations on Westerplatte near Gdansk, Prime Minister Putin compared attempts to understand the causes of World War II to “picking through a moldy bun.” At the same time, Polish President Kaczynski announced that in 1939 “Bolshevik Russia” inflicted a “stab in the back” on his country, and clearly accused the Red Army, which occupied eastern Polish lands, of persecuting Poles on ethnic grounds.

The Nuremberg Military Tribunal sentenced: Goering, Ribbentrop, Keitel, Kaltenbrunner, Rosenberg, Frank, Frick, Streicher, Sauckel, Jodl, Seyss-Inquart, Bormann (in absentia) to death by hanging.

Hess, Funk, Raeder - to life imprisonment.

Schirach, Speer - to 20, Neurath - to 15, Doenitz - to 10 years in prison.

Fritsche, Papen, and Schacht were acquitted. Ley, who was handed over to the court, hanged himself in prison shortly before the start of the trial. Krup (industrialist) was declared terminally ill, and the case against him was dropped.

After the Control Council for Germany rejected the prisoners' requests for clemency, those sentenced to death were hanged in Nuremberg prison on the night of October 16, 1946 (2 hours earlier, G. Goering committed suicide). The Tribunal also declared the SS, SD, Gestapo, and leadership of the National Socialist Party (NDSAP) criminal organizations, but did not recognize the SA, the German government, the General Staff and the Wehrmacht High Command as such. But a member of the tribunal from the USSR, R. A. Rudenko, stated in a “dissenting opinion” that he disagreed with the acquittal of the three defendants and spoke in favor of the death penalty against R. Hess.

The International Military Tribunal recognized aggression as a grave crime of an international nature, punished as criminals statesmen guilty of preparing, unleashing and waging aggressive wars, and rightly punished the organizers and executors of criminal plans for the extermination of millions of people and the conquest of entire nations. And its principles, contained in the Charter of the Tribunal and expressed in the verdict, were confirmed by the resolution of the UN General Assembly of December 11, 1946, as generally recognized norms of international law and entered the consciousness of most people.

So, don't say that someone is rewriting history. It is beyond the power of man to change past history, to change what has already happened.

But it is possible to change the brains of the population by implanting political and historical hallucinations in them.

Regarding the charges of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal, don’t you think that the list of accused is not complete? Many escaped responsibility and continue to go unpunished to this day. But the point is not even in them - their crimes, which are presented as valor, are not condemned, thereby distorting historical logic and distorting memory, replacing it with propaganda lies.

“You can’t trust anyone’s word, comrades... (Stormy applause).” (I.V. Stalin. From speeches.)

The Polish campaign of the Red Army in 1939 has acquired an incredible number of interpretations and gossip. The invasion of Poland was declared both as the beginning of a world war jointly with Germany and as a stab in the back of Poland. Meanwhile, if we consider the events of September 1939 without anger or partiality, a very clear logic is revealed in the actions of the Soviet state.

Relations between the Soviet state and Poland were not cloudless from the very beginning. During the Civil War, newly independent Poland laid claim not only to its own territories, but also to Ukraine and Belarus. The fragile peace of the 1930s did not bring friendly relations. On the one hand, the USSR was preparing for a worldwide revolution, on the other, Poland had huge ambitions in the international arena. Warsaw had far-reaching plans to expand its own territory, and in addition, it was afraid of both the USSR and Germany. Polish underground organizations fought against German Freikorps in Silesia and Poznan, and Pilsudski recaptured Vilna from Lithuania with armed force.

The coldness in relations between the USSR and Poland developed into open hostility after the Nazis came to power in Germany. Warsaw reacted surprisingly calmly to the changes at its neighbor, believing that Hitler did not pose a real threat. On the contrary, they planned to use the Reich to implement their own geopolitical projects.

The year 1938 was decisive for Europe's turn to a big war. The history of the Munich Agreement is well known and does not bring honor to its participants. Hitler presented an ultimatum to Czechoslovakia, demanding the transfer to Germany of the Sudetenland on the German-Polish border. The USSR was ready to defend Czechoslovakia even alone, but did not have a common border with Germany. A corridor was needed through which Soviet troops could enter Czechoslovakia. However, Poland flatly refused to allow Soviet troops through its territory.

During the Nazi takeover of Czechoslovakia, Warsaw successfully made its own acquisition by annexing the small Cieszyn region (805 sq. km, 227 thousand inhabitants). However, now clouds were gathering over Poland itself.

Hitler created a state that was very dangerous for its neighbors, but its strength was precisely its weakness. The fact is that the exceptionally rapid growth of Germany’s military machine threatened to undermine its own economy. The Reich needed to continuously absorb other states and cover the costs of its military construction at someone else's expense, otherwise it was under the threat of complete collapse. The Third Reich, despite all its external monumentality, was a cyclopean financial pyramid needed to serve its own army. Only war could save the Nazi regime.

We are clearing the battlefield

In the case of Poland, the reason for the claims was the Polish corridor, which separated Germany proper from East Prussia. Communication with the exclave was maintained only by sea. In addition, the Germans wanted to reconsider in their favor the status of the city and the Baltic port of Danzig with its German population and the status of a “free city” under the patronage of the League of Nations.

Warsaw, of course, was not pleased with such a rapid disintegration of the established tandem. However, the Polish government counted on a successful diplomatic resolution of the conflict, and if it failed, then on a military victory. At the same time, Poland confidently torpedoed Britain’s attempt to form a united front against the Nazis, including England itself, France, Poland and the USSR. The Polish Foreign Ministry stated that they refused to sign any document jointly with the USSR, and the Kremlin, on the contrary, announced that they would not enter into any alliances aimed at protecting Poland without its consent. During a conversation with People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Litvinov, the Polish ambassador announced that Poland would turn to the USSR for help “when necessary.”

However, the Soviet Union intended to secure its interests in Eastern Europe. There was no doubt in Moscow that a big war was brewing. However, the USSR had a very vulnerable position in this conflict. The key centers of the Soviet state were too close to the border. Leningrad was under attack from two sides at once: from Finland and Estonia, Minsk and Kyiv were dangerously close to the Polish borders. Of course, we were not talking about concerns directly from Estonia or Poland. However, the Soviet Union believed that they could be successfully used as a springboard for an attack on the USSR by a third force (and by 1939 it was quite obvious what this force was). Stalin and his entourage were well aware that the country would have to fight Germany, and would like to obtain the most advantageous positions before the inevitable clash.

Of course, a much better choice would have been to join forces with the Western powers against Hitler. This option, however, was firmly blocked by Poland's decisive refusal of any contacts. True, there was one more obvious option: an agreement with France and Britain, bypassing Poland. The Anglo-French delegation flew to the Soviet Union for negotiations...

...and it quickly became clear that the allies had nothing to offer Moscow. Stalin and Molotov were primarily interested in the question of what plan of joint action could be proposed by the British and French, both regarding joint actions and in relation to the Polish question. Stalin feared (and quite rightly so) that the USSR might be left alone in the face of the Nazis. Therefore, the Soviet Union took a controversial move - an agreement with Hitler. On August 23, a non-aggression pact was concluded between the USSR and Germany, which determined the areas of interests in Europe.

As part of the famous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, the USSR planned to gain time and secure a foothold in Eastern Europe. Therefore, the Soviets expressed an essential condition - the transfer of the eastern part of Poland, also known as western Ukraine and Belarus, to the sphere of interests of the USSR.

The dismemberment of Russia lies at the heart of Polish policy in the East... The main goal is the weakening and defeat of Russia."

Meanwhile, reality was radically different from the plans of the commander-in-chief of the Polish army, Marshal Rydz-Smigly. The Germans left only weak barriers against England and France, while they themselves attacked Poland with their main forces from several sides. The Wehrmacht was indeed the leading army of its time, the Germans also outnumbered the Poles, so that within a short time the main forces of the Polish army were surrounded west of Warsaw. Already after the first week of the war, the Polish army began to retreat chaotically in all sectors, and part of the forces were surrounded. On September 5, the government left Warsaw towards the border. The main command left for Brest and lost contact with most of the troops. After the 10th, centralized control of the Polish army simply did not exist. On September 16, the Germans reached Bialystok, Brest and Lvov.

At this moment the Red Army entered Poland. The thesis about a stab in the back of fighting Poland does not stand up to the slightest criticism: no “back” no longer existed. Actually, only the fact of advancing towards the Red Army stopped the German maneuvers. At the same time, the parties did not have any plans for joint actions, and no joint operations were carried out. The Red Army soldiers occupied the territory, disarming Polish units that came their way. On the night of September 17, the Polish Ambassador in Moscow was handed a note with approximately the same content. If we leave aside the rhetoric, we can only admit the fact: the only alternative to the invasion of the Red Army was the seizure of the eastern territories of Poland by Hitler. The Polish army did not offer organized resistance. Accordingly, the only party whose interests were actually infringed was the Third Reich. The modern public, worried about the treachery of the Soviets, should not forget that in fact Poland could no longer act as a separate party; it did not have the strength to do so.

It should be noted that the entry of the Red Army into Poland was accompanied by great disorder. Poles' resistance was sporadic. However, confusion and a large number of non-combat casualties accompanied this march. During the storming of Grodno, 57 Red Army soldiers died. In total, the Red Army lost, according to various sources, from 737 to 1,475 people killed and took 240 thousand prisoners.

The German government immediately stopped the advance of its troops. A few days later, the demarcation line was determined. At the same time, a crisis arose in the Lviv region. Soviet troops clashed with German troops, and on both sides there was damaged equipment and casualties.

On September 22, the 29th Tank Brigade of the Red Army entered Brest, occupied by the Germans. At that time, without much success, they stormed the fortress, which had not yet become “the one.” The piquancy of the moment was that the Germans handed over Brest and the fortress to the Red Army right along with the Polish garrison entrenched inside.

Interestingly, the USSR could have advanced even deeper into Poland, but Stalin and Molotov chose not to do this.

Ultimately, the Soviet Union acquired a territory of 196 thousand square meters. km. (half the territory of Poland) with a population of up to 13 million people. On September 29, the Polish campaign of the Red Army actually ended.

Then the question arose about the fate of the prisoners. In total, counting both military and civilians, the Red Army and the NKVD detained up to 400 thousand people. Some (mostly officers and police) were subsequently executed. Most of those captured were either sent home or sent through third countries to the West, after which they formed the “Anders Army” as part of the Western coalition. Soviet power was established on the territory of western Belarus and Ukraine.

The Western allies reacted to the events in Poland without any enthusiasm. However, no one cursed the USSR or branded it an aggressor. Winston Churchill, with his characteristic rationalism, stated:

- Russia pursues a cold policy of its own interests. We would prefer that the Russian armies stand in their present positions as friends and allies of Poland, and not as invaders. But to protect Russia from the Nazi threat, it was clearly necessary for the Russian armies to stand on this line.

What did the Soviet Union really gain? The Reich was not the most honorable negotiating partner, but the war would have started in any case - with or without a pact. As a result of the intervention in Poland, the USSR received a vast forefield for a future war. In 1941, the Germans passed it quickly - but what would have happened if they had started 200–250 kilometers to the east? Then, probably, Moscow would have remained behind the Germans’ rear.

Soviet attack on Poland in 1939

There are many extraordinary pages in the history of the USSR. But a special place is occupied by its chapter, which describes the events of the autumn of 1939, when the Red Army invaded Poland. The opinions of historians and ordinary people were divided into two completely opposite camps. Some argue that the USSR liberated western Ukraine and Belarus from Polish oppression and secured its western borders. And others insist that this was an expansion of the Bolsheviks against the population of these lands, who lived happily and prosperously in the civilized world.

It is obvious that these disputes will continue endlessly. After all, history is a complicated thing. Attempts are already being made to reduce the role of the USSR in World War II, which claimed more than 20 million lives in our country. But this is very recent history. Eyewitnesses of these events are still alive. Yes, history is a complex thing. And what’s interesting is that there are always people who try to take a different look at current events. It doesn't matter whether they happened recently or a long time ago. Suffice it to recall the sensational attempts to whitewash the Mongol-Tatar invasion, which threatened the very existence of Rus'. But these are things of the past.

Let us return to the events of September 1939.

Below will be given these two opposing opinions about the military operation in the fall of 1939. The reader will have to judge for himself how true they are.

Opinion one - the Red Army liberated Western Ukraine and Belarus

A short excursion into history

The lands of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus once belonged to Kievan Rus and were lost during the Mongol-Tatar invasion. Subsequently, they began to belong to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, and then to the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Judging by the fact that uprisings periodically broke out in these lands, it is unlikely that life was good under the Poles. In particular, there was strong pressure on the Orthodox population of these lands from the Catholic Church. Bogdan Khmelnitsky's request to the Russian Tsar for help very well characterizes the position of Ukrainians under Polish oppression.

Historians note that the local population was considered “second-class citizens,” and Poland’s policy was colonial.

As for recent history, some eyewitness accounts say that after the Poles came to the lands of Western Ukraine and Belarus in 1920, when they were given to Poland under the Brest-Litovsk Treaty, the situation in these areas was critical.

Thus, the massacre in Bobruisk district and the city of Slutsk is mentioned, where the Poles destroyed almost all central buildings. The population that sympathized with the Bolsheviks was subjected to severe repression.

The occupied lands were settled by soldiers who took part in the hostilities. They were called siegemen. According to eyewitnesses, during the offensive of the Red Army, the besiegers preferred to surrender so as not to fall into the hands of their fellow villagers. This also speaks of the great “love” of the local population for the Poles.

So, on September 17, 1939, the Red Army crossed the border of Poland and, encountering almost no resistance, advanced deeper into the territory. In the memoirs of eyewitnesses one can read that the population of these places enthusiastically greeted the Red Army soldiers.

The Soviet Union, thanks to this offensive, increased its territory by 196,000 square meters. kilometers. The country's population increased by 13 million people.

Well, now it’s a completely opposite opinion.

Red Army - occupiers

Again, according to historians, the inhabitants of Western Ukraine and Belarus lived very well under the Poles. They ate heartily and dressed well. After the capture of these territories by the USSR, widespread “purges” took place, during which a huge number of people were killed and exiled to camps. Collective farms were organized on the lands, where the villagers were enslaved, as they were forbidden to leave their places. In addition, residents of the western regions could not enter the eastern territories, since there was an unspoken border where Red Army soldiers were on duty, not allowing anyone to pass in either direction.

The famine and devastation that came with the Red Army are described. People were constantly afraid of reprisals.

Indeed, this is a very foggy page in Soviet history. People of the older generation remember that in textbooks this war, if you can call it that, was mentioned as follows: “In 1939, the territories of Western Ukraine and Western Belarus were annexed to the Soviet Union.” That's all!

In fact, Poland as a state ceased to exist, as Hitler announced on October 6, 1939, speaking in the Reichstag. The captured territory was divided between Germany and the Soviet Union.

As you can see, the opinions of historians differ radically. But they are all based on documents of that time and on eyewitness accounts of the events. It is likely that each person assessed them differently.

There were less than two years left before the Great War. But it is probably worth remembering that the Poles bravely fought the Nazis during this war on the side of the Soviet Union. At the same time, the Germans formed an entire division “Galitchina” from natives of the western regions of Ukraine. And the fight against the remnants of Bendery’s gangs continued for several years after the end of the war.

It's a confusing thing, history!

On September 17, Poland remembers the events of 75 years ago: on this day, Soviet troops entered the territory of Poland, which had already fought against Hitler. The country was divided.

• Signing



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Molotov and Hitler



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Background



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

results



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Beginning of World War II



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Partition of Poland



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Joint parade in Brest



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Symbol city



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

How did the friendship end?

• Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

  Signing

  Joachim von Ribbentrop (left), Joseph Stalin (second from left) and Vyacheslav Molotov (signing, sitting on the right). On the part of the USSR, the treaty was signed by the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Molotov, on the part of Germany - by its Minister of Foreign Affairs Ribbentrop. The treaty is often called the "Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact."



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Molotov and Hitler

The parties to the agreement were obliged to refrain from attacking each other and to maintain neutrality in the event that one of them became the target of military actions by a third party. The agreement was accompanied by a secret additional protocol on the delimitation of areas of mutual interests in Eastern Europe. Molotov was on a return visit to Berlin. In the picture he is on the left with Hitler and a translator.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Hitler on the pact and Stalin's position

“Our enemies counted on the fact that Russia would become our enemy after the conquest of Poland... I was convinced that Stalin would never accept the proposals of the British. Only reckless optimists could think that Stalin was so stupid that he did not recognize their true goal. Russia did not interested in preserving Poland... Now... the way is open for the soldiers,” Adolf Hitler (1939).



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

"Treacherous monster" named Hitler

"...how could it happen that the Soviet government agreed to conclude a non-aggression pact with such treacherous people and monsters as Hitler and Ribbentrop? Was there a mistake made here on the part of the Soviet government? Of course not! A non-aggression pact is a pact of peace between two states,” from Stalin’s speech (1941, after Hitler’s attack on the USSR).



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Background

The agreement was signed after a period of very serious cooling in Soviet-German relations caused by Hitler’s rise to power, and armed conflicts in which the USSR opposed the Hitlerite coalition: Germany and Italy in Spain, Japan in the Far East. The agreement came as a surprise not only to third countries, but also to the population of the USSR and Germany.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

results

On September 1, 1939, Germany launched an invasion of Poland, and on September 17, 1939, Soviet troops entered Polish territory. The territorial division of the country was completed on September 28, 1939 with the signing of a friendship and border treaty between the Soviet Union and Germany. Later, the Baltic countries, Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina, as well as part of Finland, were annexed to the USSR.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Beginning of World War II

The Polish campaign of the Wehrmacht was a military operation, as a result of which the territory of Poland was completely occupied, and parts of it were annexed by the “Third Reich” and the USSR. In response to Hitler's aggression, Great Britain and France declared war on Germany, marking the beginning of World War II. Its date began to be considered September 1, 1939 - the day of the invasion of Poland.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Partition of Poland

German troops defeated the Polish armed forces. On September 17, Soviet troops entered the territory of Poland - as officially reported, with the aim of annexing Western Belarus and Western Ukraine to the USSR. The territory of Poland was divided between Germany and the Soviet Union in accordance with the secret protocols to the non-aggression and friendship and border treaties, as well as Lithuania and Slovakia.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Joint parade in Brest

On September 14, 1939, the German 19th Motorized Corps attacked and occupied Brest-on-Bug (then a Polish city). On September 22, Brest was handed over to the 29th Tank Brigade of the Red Army during an impromptu parade. The parade is being accepted: in the center - General Guderian (commander of the 19th motorized corps), on the right - commander of the 29th light tank brigade of the Red Army, brigade commander Semyon Krivoshein.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

Symbol city

The city of Brest became part of the USSR as the center of the newly formed Brest region of the Belarusian SSR. The Soviet-German demarcation line ran along the Western Bug River. And it was this city that on June 22, 1941, was one of the first to be attacked by German troops. The defense of the Brest Fortress became a symbol of perseverance, courage and military valor. The photo shows the parade during the transfer of the city to the Red Army in 1939.



Stalin and Hitler: how their friendship began and ended

How did the friendship end?

After Germany attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, like all other Soviet-German treaties, lost force. In 1989, the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR condemned the secret additional protocol to the treaty and declared it invalid from the moment of signing. Today is August 23rd - Day of Remembrance for the Victims of Stalinism and Nazism.

On August 23, 1939, Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union entered into a non-aggression pact. On the USSR side, it was signed by the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Vyacheslav Molotov, and on the German side, by Foreign Minister Joachim von Ribbentrop. The agreement was accompanied by a secret additional protocol on the delimitation of areas of mutual interests in Eastern Europe. In particular, Hitler and Stalin agreed on the division of Poland.

On September 1, 1939, the troops of Nazi Germany invaded Poland from the west, and on September 17, 1939, Soviet troops entered Poland from the east. The country could not fight on two fronts. The Wehrmacht and parts of the Red Army celebrated its division with a joint parade in Brest. Later, the Baltic countries, Bessarabia, Northern Bukovina and part of Finland were annexed to the USSR.

When the Red Army crossed the Soviet-Polish border on September 17, 1939, the bulk of the armed forces of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth were fighting against the Wehrmacht in the west. However, the irretrievable losses of the Red Army (killed, died from wounds and missing) during the 2 weeks of fighting of the “liberation campaign” amounted, according to Soviet data, to almost one and a half thousand people. Who did Soviet soldiers encounter in the west of modern Belarus and Ukraine?

Difference in Point of View

On September 17, 1939, the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army, with the forces of the Belarusian and Ukrainian fronts, deployed the day before on the basis of the border Belarusian Special and Kyiv Special Military Districts, invaded the territory of Poland. In Soviet historiography, this operation is usually called the “Liberation Campaign of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army,” and it is fundamentally separated from the German invasion of Poland, which began on September 1.

Moreover, both in Polish and Western historical literature, the German and Soviet invasions are often considered parts of a single whole. The general name for the events of the autumn of 1939 in Poland is the term “September Campaign” (along with it, “Polish Campaign of 1939”, “Defensive War of 1939”, “Polish War of 1939” can be used). In English-language literature, the term “Invasion of Poland” is often used to unite German and Soviet operations. As often happens, views and opinions greatly influence the assessment of what happened in the past and even its name.

From the Polish point of view, there really was no fundamental difference between the attacks of Germany and the USSR. Both countries attacked without an official declaration of war. Both states also found suitable reasons for invasion. The Germans justified their aggression by the intransigence of Poland on the issue of the Danzig Corridor, the infringement of the rights of the German minority and, in the end, organized the Gleiwitz provocation, which allowed Hitler to declare a Polish attack on Germany.

One of the surviving Polish-built bunkers in Belarus
http://francis-maks.livejournal.com/47023.html

The USSR, in turn, justified the invasion by the collapse of the Polish government and state, which “showing no signs of life”, caring about "oppressed" in Poland “half-blooded Ukrainians and Belarusians abandoned to the mercy of fate” and even about the Polish people themselves, who "was cast" their "unreasonable leaders" V "ill-fated war"(as stated in the note handed to the Polish Ambassador in Moscow on the morning of September 17, 1939).

It should be remembered that "showing no signs of life" The Polish state, whose government at that time was not yet in exile, continued resistance on its soil. The Polish president, in particular, left the country only on the night of September 17-18, after the Red Army had crossed the border. However, even after complete occupation, Poland did not stop resisting. Its government did not capitulate, and its ground units, air force and navy fought on the fronts of World War II until its very end in Europe.

A very important caveat must be made here. Undoubtedly, responsibility for the outbreak of World War II lies with the military-political leadership of Germany. The Soviet-German Non-Aggression Pact, signed on August 23, 1939, was one of many similar treaties signed between European states during the interwar period. And even the notorious additional protocol to it on the delimitation of spheres of interest was not something unique.

The division of the world into spheres of influence between the great powers by the first half of the 20th century was an established practice in international relations, dating back to the 15th century, when Spain and Portugal, having concluded the Treaty of Tordesillas, divided the entire planet along the “Papal Meridian”. Moreover, sometimes spheres of influence were established without any agreements, unilaterally. This is what the United States did, for example, with its “Monroe Doctrine,” according to which its sphere of interests defined both American continents.

Neither the Soviet-German treaty nor the secret protocol contained obligations on the part of the states that concluded it to start an aggressive war or participate in it. The Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact only to some extent freed Germany's hands, securing it from one of the flanks. But that’s why non-aggression treaties are concluded. The Soviet Union cannot bear any responsibility for the way in which Germany used the opportunities that arose as a result.

Let's use an appropriate analogy. In 1938, during the annexation of the Czechoslovak Sudetenland, Germany had a non-aggression pact with Poland. Moreover, Poland itself took part in the division of Czechoslovakia, sending troops into Cieszyn Silesia. Such actions, of course, do not look good on the Polish government. But all this in no way refutes the historical fact that it was Germany that initiated the division of Czechoslovakia and that it was she who was responsible for it.

But let's return to the September events of 1939.

In the famous speech of the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs Vyacheslav Mikhailovich Molotov on June 22, 1941, there are these words about the German attack on the USSR:

« This unheard of attack on our country is a treachery unparalleled in the history of civilized nations. The attack on our country was carried out despite the fact that a non-aggression treaty was concluded between the USSR and Germany...»

Unfortunately, such treachery was far from unprecedented in the history of civilized peoples. Treaties between states were violated with enviable regularity. For example, in the 19th century, in the Treaties of Paris and Berlin, European states guaranteed the territorial integrity of the Ottoman Empire. But this did not prevent France from subsequently capturing Tunisia, Italy from Libya and the Dodecanese archipelago, and Austria-Hungary from Bosnia and Herzegovina.

The first articles of the Non-Aggression Pact between Poland and the Soviet Union, signed on July 25, 1932 and extended in 1934 until the end of 1945

In legal terms, the significant difference between the German attack and the “liberation campaign” of the Soviet Union was the following. At the beginning of 1939, Poland had signed non-aggression treaties with both the USSR and Germany. But on April 28, 1939, Hitler broke the agreement with Poland, using this demarche as leverage for pressure. The Soviet-Polish non-aggression pact in May 1934 was extended until 1945. And as of September 1939, it remained in force.

It is beyond the scope of this article to assess the expediency, legality, and, especially, the moral component of the Soviet invasion. Let us only note that, as Polish Ambassador to Great Britain Edward Raczynski noted in his communique dated September 17,

“The Soviet Union and Poland agreed to a definition of aggression, according to which an act of aggression is considered any invasion of the territory of one of the parties by armed military units of the other party. It was also agreed that none[emphasis added] considerations of a political, military, economic or other nature can in no case serve as a pretext or justification for an act of aggression.”

Defense plan in the east

While the composition of the Red Army forces that took part in the Polish campaign is fairly well described in Russian literature, the situation with the Polish units opposing them in the Eastern Kresy is murkier. Below we will consider the composition of the Polish units located on the eastern border in September 1939, and also (in the following articles) describe the nature of the combat operations of these formations when they came into contact with Red Army formations.

By September 1939, the bulk of the Polish armed forces were deployed against Germany and its satellite, Slovakia. Note that such a situation was not typical for the Polish army of the 1930s - most of the time since gaining independence, the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was preparing for war against the USSR.

Polish reinforced concrete dam on the river. Shara, designed to quickly flood an area. Minichi village, Lyakhovichi district, Brest region, Belarus
http://francis-maks.livejournal.com/48191.html

Until the beginning of 1939, the Soviet Union was regarded by the Poles as the most likely source of military danger. In the east, most of the military exercises were carried out and long-term fortifications were erected, many of which are still well preserved. The usual bunkers in the swampy lowlands of Polesie were supplemented by a system of hydraulic structures (dams and dams), which made it possible to quickly flood large areas and create obstacles for the advancing enemy. However, like the fortified areas located “opposite” of the much more famous “Stalin Line” in 1941, Polish fortifications on the eastern border in 1939 met the enemy with extremely weakened garrisons and were unable to have a significant impact on the course of hostilities.

The length of the Polish border with the USSR was 1,412 kilometers (for comparison, the Polish border with Germany was 1,912 kilometers long). In the event of a war with the USSR, the Poles planned to deploy five armies in the east of the country in the first line of defense (Vilno, Baranovichi, Polesie, Volyn and Podolia, a total of 18 infantry divisions, 8 cavalry brigades). Two more armies (“Lida” and “Lvov”, a total of 5 infantry divisions and 1 cavalry brigade) were supposed to be in the second line. The strategic reserve was to consist of 6 infantry divisions, 2 cavalry and 1 armored brigade, concentrated in the Brest-nad-Bug area. Deployment in accordance with these plans required the involvement of almost the entire Polish army - 29 out of 30 divisions available by March 1939, 11 out of 13 (two were missing!) cavalry brigades and a single armored brigade.

Only from the beginning of 1939, when Germany began to demonstrate determination to bring the Danzig Corridor issue to an end by any means, did the Poles, in addition to the East defense plan, begin to develop a West defense plan. They hastily transferred units to the western border, and mobilized in August. As a result, by the beginning of World War II, the most significant armed structure in the Eastern Kresy turned out to be the Border Protection Corps (KOP, Korpus Ochrony Pogranicza).

All that's left

The territorial divisions of the Corps, an approximate Polish analogue of the more familiar border detachments for us, were regiments and brigades. In total, there were eight such units on the eastern border after the mobilization on August 30 (listed from north to south):

• regiment "Glubokoye"
• Regiment "Vileika"
• regiment “Snov” (indicated on the map below as “Baranovichi”),
• brigade "Polesie"
• "Sarny" regiment
• regiment "Rivne"
• Regiment "Podolia"
• Regiment "Chortkiv".

A group of non-commissioned officers of the 24th Sejny battalion of the Polish Border Guard Corps, guarding the border with Lithuania
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Another regiment of the Corps, “Vilno,” was deployed on the Polish-Lithuanian border. Considering the geographical position of the Vilna Voivodeship, which was “stretched” in a narrow strip to the north relative to the main territory of what was then Poland, it was also in close proximity to the border with the Soviet Union.

KOP regiments and brigades had variable composition. In addition, since March 1939, individual units of the Corps were transferred from the eastern border to the west. As a result, by the end of August 1939, the Vilna regiment consisted of four infantry battalions, the Glubokoe regiment and the Polesie brigade - of three, and the Snov regiment - of two. The Vileyka regiment and the Podillya regiment each included three infantry battalions and a cavalry squadron, the Sarny regiment included two infantry battalions, two special battalions and a cavalry squadron. Finally, the Chortkov regiment consisted of three infantry battalions and an engineering company.

The total strength of the headquarters (transferred from Warsaw to Pinsk at the beginning of the war), eight regiments and the KOP brigade on September 1, 1939 was about 20 thousand people. There were few career military personnel among them, since these were primarily “removed” to recruit new divisions. Basically, the border units were staffed by reservists, many of whom belonged to the ethnic minorities of the Second Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, mainly Ukrainians, Belarusians, Jews and Germans.

The disposition of Polish, German, Slovak and Soviet troops at the beginning of World War II and the general course of the September 1939 campaign. In the eastern part, the areas of deployment of regiments and brigades of the Polish Border Guard Corps and the places of the most important battles between Polish and Soviet units are indicated

The personnel of the Polish border guard units located on the border with Germany and Slovakia were entirely used to staff the newly formed four infantry divisions (33rd, 35th, 36th and 38th) and three mountain brigades (1st, 2nd -th and 3rd).

In addition to the Border Guard Corps, units that arrived in the east to reorganize after heavy battles with the Germans, as well as newly formed territorial divisions, were involved in combat operations against Soviet units in the first days of the Soviet invasion. Their total strength in Eastern Kresy on September 17 is estimated at 10 infantry divisions of incomplete strength. Subsequently, with the advance to the west, the number of Polish troops that the Red Army had to face increased: more and more Polish units were on the way, retreating before the Nazis.

According to data published by Grigory Fedorovich Krivosheev in the statistical study “Russia and the USSR in the wars of the 20th century: losses of the armed forces,” the irretrievable losses of the Belarusian and Ukrainian fronts during the “liberation campaign” amounted to 1,475 people. This figure includes 973 killed, 102 died from wounds, 76 died as a result of disasters and accidents, 22 died from disease and 302 missing. Sanitary losses of the Red Army, according to the same source, amounted to 2002 people. Polish historians consider these figures to be greatly underestimated, citing figures of 2.5–6.5 thousand dead and 4–10 thousand wounded. For example, Professor Czeslaw Grzelak in his publication estimates Soviet losses at 2.5–3 thousand killed and 8–10 thousand wounded.

Patrol of the Polish Border Guard Corps at the modern Kolosovo station (Stolbtsovsky district, Minsk region, Belarus)

Small, disorganized and weakened Polish units, of course, could not provide serious resistance to the numerous, fresh and well-equipped units of the Red Army. However, as can be seen from the above loss figures, the “liberation campaign” was by no means an easy walk.

The military clashes between units of the Border Guard Corps and the Polish Army with the Red Army in September 1939 will be discussed in the next article.

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